Role of Human Rights and Democratisation in Conflict Prevention and Resolution

Human Rights Forum, Brussels

28-29 May 2001

I must begin with an apology. Eighteen months ago I addressed the first of these gatherings. I promised you then a Communication on human rights within six months. Earlier this month, the stork finally delivered. In fact, by the time the Commission adopted this particular baby, the Human Rights Communication had acquired a number of siblings: policy documents and reform proposals concerning EC development policy, elections, conflict prevention, and the reform of our external assistance programmes, including the creation of EuropeAid. I think that the family is now more or less complete, and the key now is to put the children to work assuming the ILO will let us.

I hope that by discussing these policies over the next couple of days with practitioners, we will come up with some practical ideas to assist with implementation, just as previous meetings with human rights NGOs, including these forums, influenced the strategy.

The Commission adopted these various documents in bite-sized chunks. But in the real world, which means to say, the world outside the peculiar purgatory known as the Borschette building, where do you draw the line between democratisation and development? Or defusing ethnic tensions through promotion of minority rights, and conflict prevention? Or making the donor community's assistance more effective, and promoting respect for good governance and the rule of law? As Poul Nielson will mention, our own legal agreements with third countries recognise that respect for these essential elements, together with human rights are integral to the goals of peace, stability and development that we seek to achieve together.

Which makes this conference organised with the Swedish Presidency, and with the valuable support of IDEA so useful and timely. It's an opportunity to look at two sides of the same coin: respect for human rights and democratic principles, and the prevention and resolution of conflict. You rarely get the latter when you see the former; and you need the former, to achieve the latter.

The Communication on Conflict Prevention sets out a series of concrete proposals to improve the performance of the EU in this area. It is clear that we must make better use of existing Community instruments and external cooperation programmes. Instead of addressing merely the symptoms of conflict, methods must be developed to identify and tackle their root causes. The EU must react more quickly to emerging conflicts, including through the new Rapid Reaction Mechanism. An effective Common Foreign and Security Policy will depend on enhancing our capacity to respond. This is not simply a question of resources or political will, but also of developing a coherent and coordinated approach between EU, Community and national responses.

The link between conflict prevention and the promotion of human rights and democracy is abundantly clear. Just as denying basic rights fans the flames of conflict, helping to guarantee those rights can prevent conflict arising in the first place. In the aftermath of violence, concrete Community assistance can help rebuild society and prevent the recurrence of disputes.

The Communication on promoting Human Rights and Democratisation in third countries was also focussed on increasing the coherence and effectiveness of the EU's external relations. It set out a number of key areas where the Commission, together with the European Union, can 'raise its game'.

Firstly, it is clear that the human rights policies of the Community cannot be considered in isolation from other policies and activities of the EU. Human rights is an issue which over-arches the different pillars of the Union, and it is essential that this simple fact be reflected in the formulation of strategy throughout the EU, including the Common Foreign and Security Policy and the action of Member States.

Secondly, human rights and democratisation must have a higher priority in the EU's relations with third countries. We should make better use of the different instruments available, including trade, external assistance and political dialogue. The concept of 'mainstreaming' the promotion of human rights in all the policies and activities of the Community and Union must take root in the culture of our institutions. The Commission for its part will enhance the profile of human rights in assistance programmes and development cooperation, ensure that human rights issues are systematically incorporated in its individual Country Strategy papers, and it will examine more closely the human rights and democratisation impact of cooperation projects, to avoid negative effects and enhance positive outcomes.

In its relations with other countries, the Communication stresses the importance of a positive, constructive approach, based on partnership and co-operation. It is entirely appropriate for the EU to raise issues of human rights with its partners, particularly when respect for human rights and democratic principles constitute an 'essential element' of our agreements with them. What we must ensure is that we take a coherent, consistent, transparent and credible approach. That means aiming to set goals and benchmarks jointly and evaluating the outcome. It means sticking to one's guns, even when the next contract for a European project hoves into view. There is no contradiction between trading with a country, and criticising its government for breaching the internationally agreed human rights standards it has committed itself to follow. You can do both simultaneously.

In so saying, I hope that I will not be regarded as being naieve. I realise that we - as Commission, or as European Union - will not always be able to get this approach right when it comes down to it. We will always depend on the political will of our fifteen member states. But I do not believe that it is hopelessly or incurably idealistic to think that at least we can try.

Finally, the Human Rights Communication argues for a more strategic and focused approach to the operation of the European Initiative for Democracy and Human Rights, Chapter B7-7 of the EU Budget, which has totalled over 400 million Euros in the last five years, and funded over 100 meuro and 140 projects last year alone, over 80% channelled through NGOs and civil society organizations.

The Communication suggests a prioritised, longer-term approach including the selection of a limited number of thematic issues where the European Union has an added value and particular policy goals to pursue. These priorities will be discussed annually with the European Parliament and at the Human Rights Discussion Forum with NGOs. The new strategy will also have an enhanced geographic focus, with the selection of particular target countries. It also emphasises the need to build flexibility into the use of the European Initiative, allowing it to respond to 'urgent and unforeseen events', including potential conflicts and those in need of resolution.

The demand for these funds keeps growing. The two Calls for Proposals we ran this year have led to over 1400 project proposals requesting EC contributions of approximately 1.6 billion Euros 16 times the amount available. The appraisal process should be completed by the end of July.

Finally although in fact it is the oldest child of the family the Commission last year proposed a more effective EU approach to Electoral Observation and Assistance. The EU is convinced that supporting election processes in countries in transition can be a crucial element of conflict prevention. Elections are not one-day events, and observation should cover all the different stages of the election process, each of which can be disrupted and lead to conflict. A well-run election observation mission can contribute to significantly promoting confidence in the electors and the political parties, and hence reducing the opportunity for intimidation and conflict. In the last year, we have put this approach to work in particular in Zimbabwe, Ivory Coast, Sri Lanka, Guyana, and currently in Peru.

Electoral support is a good illustration of the EU's approach of building capacity. The aim should be that international observation becomes superfluous. For example, last year, EC funds were used to strengthen local election observer organisations in Belarus, Fiji, Ghana, Guinea and South Africa.

Running through all of these activities and aspirations is a profound belief in the benefit of developing the EU's relationship with civil society and NGOs. I have emphasised many times how important they are to the operation of the human rights and democracy budget lines. Without their contribution, the job simply would not get done.

I have just returned from China, where I met representatives of the tiny number of genuine NGOs there. I was struck by how important grassroots organisations are to achieving the Chinese government's policy goals for example on sustainable development and environmental protection. A government which signs up to international standards in domestic policies and then discourages or actively prevents NGOs from mobilising in support of them is shooting itself in the foot. Turning down a free offer of support just because it can come hand in hand with a few unpalatable home truths is not very sensible.

That's why, in addition to viewing NGOs as essential implementing partners, the EU is increasingly aware of the value of NGO expertise in helping us formulate policy. Hence the importance of meetings such as this where civil society representatives can meet policy makers from the institutions and Member States and tell us what we could be doing better. The Communication identifies the need to make that input through these fora more effective, representative and comprehensive. So I hope that you will let us have your views on this at the end of this meeting.

As we all know, the European Union developed in response to the terrible human rights abuses and the economic cost of two devastating wars. Cooperation between democratic nations, bound together by a common respect for fundamental freedoms, has achieved over half a century of peace, stability and prosperity. The EU therefore has a clear moral and political obligation to promote respect for human rights and democracy in its relations with other countries, particularly those racked by conflict. It is also clear to this Union that preventing conflict goes much deeper than simply containing warring parties. It is dependent on fighting the roots of conflict - discrimination, inequality and intolerance - and on strengthening the institutions of democratic governance and the rule of law.

I believe that these new policy directions of the EU mark the beginning of a concerted effort to put the promotion of peace and human rights at the heart of everything we do. Our challenge now is to make sure that we build on this, by fully implementing the policy.